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The Drying Effect of the Sun’s Rays on the Sd-Festival’s...
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Joe S
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PostPosted: Tue Oct 04, 2016 8:51 pm    Post subject: The Drying Effect of the Sun’s Rays on the Sd-Festival’s... Reply with quote



The Drying Effect of the Sun’s Rays on the Sd-Festival’s Gatherings (Draft)


Preface:

When I was watching a PBS documentary on the Akhenaten Temple Project, I couldn’t help noticing how ideal these buildings would be for dehydrating food using the solar/wind method. The open-air design, the rows-upon-rows of well-spaced offering tables with their neat stacks piled high seem as if they could have been designed to maximize the exposed surface area of these foodstuffs to the hot sun and dry breezes of the Egyptian climate. This seemingly would have quickly resulted in complete dehydration which would have allowed these foodstuffs to remain viable just about forever. Processing the foodstuffs so they could be stacked up on these raised platforms would have let them stay dry during the annual inundations and avoid the soaking conditions that promoted rot. Surrounding the stored foodstuffs with stone perimeter walls would do a much better job of protecting them from scavenging critters than would have been possible with mudbrick. It made me wonder if anyone involved with food preservation technologies or the history of those technologies had ever analyzed the suitability of these facilities as food dehydrators and for long-term food storage. I also wondered whether there was any record of whether they would have had any need for food storage, and, what ultimately happened to the all of the foodstuffs.

What I found in my public library is that there were indeed records of unusually good harvests corresponding with their move to a palace called the ‘place of gathering up’ where they began to celebrate an otherwise unheard of version of the Jubilee festival “having some connection to the fertility resulting in especially good harvests”. The god associated with this festival was called the ‘Rays of the Sun’. Throughout the period when they were celebrating they are said to have been obsessed with amassing food offerings, and, building additional storage capacity to hold them. They calculated daily impost quotas for these facilities, assigned responsibilities for meeting them, and gloated over there massive inventories. This period of celebrating good harvests was eventually followed by a period known for its widespread pestilence and crop failures. The food offerings were apparently stopped and were replaced by incense offerings instead. Additional storage capacity stopped being created. During this period there seems to be compelling evidence that the foodstuffs in storage were actually being sold and bartered off. Therefore, it seems to me there is a strong case to be made that there was a mundane, secular purpose for their activities which were motivated by a simple ‘waste not, want not’ rationale, and, finds that they behaved in a way which anyone else would be expected to behave in a similar situation.

So, how compelling are the original arguments that the massive open-air facilities that Akhenaten hastily constructed throughout the land were intended to be used as temples for some kind of religious devotional purposes? Given that this interpretation is at the base of so much our understanding of the period, and, given that it has stood unchallenged for such a long time, it would seem to have become a fact that is no longer open to dispute. But, on the other hand, could the reason the period is considered to be so ‘enigmatic’ and continue to generate controversies be due to trying to shoehorn the evidence into a framework that was based on some flawed assumptions?


Part I: The Jubilee of Especially Good Harvests

The ancient, archaic version of the Jubilee, or sd-festival, that Amenhotep III and Akhenaten re-discovered and resurrected is said to have had some connection to “the fertility resulting in an especially good harvest”.[1] To celebrate this festival they both moved to a palace which is called ‘the place where things have been gathered/picked up’.[2] The re-appearance of this form of the holiday coincided with the report of an exceptionally bountiful harvest in Amenhotep III's Jubilee Year 30.[3] His Jubilee was repeated in Years 34 and 37 as a 'bounty of nature' theme seems to have dominated the arts of this period with its depictions of grain and fruit harvests.[4] A similar 'bounty of nature' theme also seems appropriate to describe the decoration of Akhenaten's palaces constructed during the period when it was said that he was one "Who is in Jubilee".

That they were indeed gathering up food is seen in Amenhotep III's celebrations.[5] While it has been assumed that the dates on the containers of Amenhotep’s foodstuffs were the dates of their intended consumption, there probably is no reason to rule out seeing these as packaging dates instead. But, this food gathering is seem more extensively in Akhenaten's so-called obsession with food offerings[6] and his amassing of overflowing offering tables which filled his hastily constructed and ever-expanding facilities.[7] A nationwide food collection, preservation, and storage program would have required a massive dedication of resources. Akhenaten's building of numerous facilities in most of the principal towns shows that this was indeed a nationwide effort.[8] That it was also a massive dedication of resources can be seen in Akhenaten's reign, which, from the beginning, shows that he united the “peasantry, workmen and nobility” in a “great undertaking… set in train almost as a national enterprise, with an energy that had hitherto been devoted to foreign campaigns".[9] They calculated and posted daily offering quotas for each of these facilities,[10] they assigned responsibilities for meeting these goals,[11] and they seemed to show great pride when announcing their staggering inventory totals. While difficult to explain from a religious devotional point of view, the appropriateness of these tasks seems quite apparent, and even expected, if gathering and preserving excess foodstuffs was indeed their intended goal. Therefore, it seems worth considering that it was indeed their intention to gather and store the excess foodstuffs being produced by these especially good harvests for future use. Given the Egyptian climate and the amount of food lost annually using their normal storage methods, it is not surprising that their civilization had developed preservation technologies early on, chief among them being the solar/wind dehydration method.

The design of the facilities that Akhenaten constructed would have caused the foodstuffs stored there to be preserved and remain useable for many years into the future. Processing these foodstuffs enabled them to be placed up off the ground on tables that kept them dry and free from mold growth during the annual inundations and up away from burrowing creatures. Grains were milled and formed into flatbreads which could be stacked up in columns. Meats were butchered and dried into jerky. The open-air design,[12] the spacing of the tables, and the spacing of the columns on the tables, all seem to have been designed to maximize the surface area exposed to the hot sun and the warm, dry breezes. The foodstuffs shown on the masses of offering tables, which always are shown with the rays of the sun shining down on them, would have achieved complete dehydration, desiccation even, and would therefore remain viable for many years to come, perhaps decades even.[13] The use of stone for the perimeter walls would have been required to protect against burrowing and gnawing creatures in a way which standard mud-bricks could not. Other preservation methods were also used, such as pressing oils from vegetables and fermenting beverages, both of which could be stored successfully in clay jugs set right on the ground. That the food was indeed consumed many years later will be discussed below.

The hastiness of Akhenaten's constructions[14] seems to confirm that there could have been a seasonally-driven requirement for these processing facilities to be in place before the foodstuffs went to waste. The talatat stone method used in these facilities appears to be a clever solution to allow for rapid construction by restricting the need for skilled labor to the front end of the process. Moving large stones and stacking them to make walls is a time consuming task which requires specialized skills. Mudbricks, on the other hand, can be carried and stacked by just about anyone. This clever idea of cutting the stone into mudbrick sizes, although requiring extra effort by the stone cutters, sped construction due to the greater availability of the unskilled workforce. It also seems that they might have used a phased construction technique at Karnak, where they built four smaller facilities, each possibly coming on-line as construction was begun on the next, rather than attempting to complete one massive facility large enough for their needs in advance.

In addition to their role as industrial-scale, solar-powered food dehydrators, these facilities also seemed to have been designed to lure the public into voluntarily providing the labor to collect and transport their excess foodstuffs there. Like theme parks, world fairs, or factory tours, these facilities would have offered families a day full of entertainment and sight-seeing in exchange for their excess produce (which would have been virtually unmarketable and worthless). This seems like it would have been a good deal. The magnificence of these brightly-colored facilities, the exotic entertainment, the fanfare of the procession to the great altar, reading the story of the project and its chief players along the way, ascending the grand staircase, making the great oblation, and then, the tours of the bakeries, slaughterhouses, and other processing facilities, and eventually, the addition of tours of the vast forest of offering-tables piled high with food under the rays of the sun, were all the types of attractions that would seem to be designed to lure the public into coming back year after year.

I had also assumed that another inducement would be to return a certain percentage of the take in the form of feasting. While it has been widely assumed that the jar dockets dated for the jubilees were meant to represent the date of their consumption, and, while the list of activities shown for each of these jubilees is quite numerous, I was surprised that I could not find any mention of, or depictions of, feasting. Although the list of activities shown for each of these jubilees is quite numerous, I was surprised that I could not find any depictions of feasting. The only dated pictures of feasting that I could find come from the later phase of the reign.[15] I’ll have more to say about this below.

The Central Storage Facility:

Towards the later years of the Jubilee period, construction was completed in the cities. They then began constructing what they called the "Island Exalted in Jubilees" in Akhetaten, located in the center of the country.[16] Although no Jubilee rites were ever conducted there,[17] and given that the huge scale of this complex is way out of whack with the needs of the local population, nevertheless, Akhetaten filled up with the massive amounts of produce, all brought in from shipments up and down the Nile.[18]

At its founding, the boundary stele declared, "Behold, [fill] Akhet-Aten with provisions – a storehouse for everything!"[19] It also predicted that,"…the Aten would send the people of all foreign lands to Akhetaten with gifts for the king whose god had enabled them to live and breathe".[20] When they said 'gifts for the king', it is generally believed they were referring to a form of 'barter'.[21] And, what would the king have to barter that would have "enabled them to live and breathe"? The obvious answer would seem to be that it was those provisions that were filling the storehouses.

The presence of daily impost quotas, combined with these early construction completions, would seem to imply that they had predetermined an optimal amount of food to keep in storage to meet their needs. It therefore seems reasonable to argue that after they had achieved their targeted amounts, they started shipping the excess produce up or down the Nile to this centralized storage facility. A reasonable interpretation for the development of this complex might seem to be that, after the meeting the needs of the Egyptian public, any additional excess produce would be made available for sale to the rest of the world.

The Post-Jubilee period:

Eventually, the period of especially good harvests came to an end. It was followed by a period which has been characterized by its widespread reports of pestilence and crop failures.[22] At the announcement of this new phase,[23] Akhenaten was shown to have replaced the formerly-ubiquitous food offerings with an incense-offering instead.[24] He also changed his titles from being one "Who is in Jubilee" to being "Lord of the Jubilee."[25] I would suggest that this could easily be seen to imply that he had been given control over the maintenance and/or distribution of the Jubilee's assets.

The food offerings, reports of record harvests, and the general celebration of the bounty of nature that had dominated the art of the Jubilee period do not seem to be shown in this later period. Instead, it seems that the food gathering scenes were replaced by artworks which included food consumption - people eating, drinking, and feasting[26] - and Amenhotep III seeming unusually proud to show off just how fat he was.[27] Could it be that, no matter how bad things got elsewhere, he was proud to show off that there was still plenty to eat in Egypt as a result of their foresight and planning?

Although it is widely assumed that the food collected for the jubilee was consumed during the celebrations, and, although returning a portion of the take would seem to have been a sensible inducement, all of the dated examples of food consumption that I could find seem to be from the later phase. But, nevertheless, I am unable to find any scholar to confirm or deny that the food offerings are no longer shown. I have also been unable to find any scholar who sees the food offerings as being their sole religious ritual (instead of just a Jubilee ritual) explain why they used the incense offering mentioned above to announce this new phase. I have to assume the difference in subject matter between the two phases of the reign has been much studied, but my limited access to academic material has hampered my ability to find them.

The distribution of food during this latter phase seems to provide a reasonable explanations for some of the events of this period. The most obvious indication of food distribution could be seen in the 'Parade of Foreign Tribute' or 'The Durbar of Year 12' at Akhetaten when the peoples of all foreign lands came, as predicted at the city’s founding, to bring gifts for the king who had enabled them to continue living and breathing. This event is unusual because of the lack of foodstuffs normally associated with these types of tributes,[28] which are a primitive form of barter.[29] Instead, they offered gifts of intrinsic value in exchange for being enabled to "live and breathe".[30] Akhetaten at this time had a sizeable treasury which was shown to be filled with the exact same type of intrinsic valuables that were being offered here.[31] Additionally, there was a very large police barracks which would have been appropriate for safeguarding the valuables stored there.[32] These valuable offerings would seem to be a very odd way to honor someone whose religious rites were supposedly based solely on food offerings. Now, given that these people came without food offerings during a period of widespread pestilence and crop failures to a place that was filled with foodstuffs and aptly prepared to accept barter as payment, it seems to me to be a no-brainer that they were there to purchase food. I once wrote to Professor Redford to ask him what he thought of the idea that the lack of the normal foodstuffs might be due to their being there to barter for food due to the widespread pestilence, given how obvious an explanation it seemed to me. But, he apparently did not think the idea was sufficiently worthy to warrant a response.

A lesser indication of food distribution to the general public, admittedly far short of being proof of such, might be seen by following the money trail, given that it would be reasonable to expect that they might have wanted to at least recover the costs for their processing and storage expenses. What we do know is that the revenues that had been flowing to the temple hierarchies at the start of this period ended up being redirected to Pharaoh by its end.[33] The people appear to have abandoned the temple officiants in droves, and, towards the end, all of their Amunist monuments in the country were taken over by Akhenaten.[34] Eventually, this redirection of revenue seems to have been formalized as taxation.[35] The money the public had been spending supporting the priesthood could have become available for purchasing food and, therefore, the selling of food back to the public could explain how this redirection of funds came about. Unfortunately, the use of the military to collect this tax ultimately ended up enabling the subsequent coup-d'état by a general which occurred after the ruling family apparently failed to produce sufficient numbers of male heirs.

The repeated failures of the traditional temple hierarchy seem to have provided a good reason for their abandonment by the public. While we do not know the cause of their first failure, which was the subject of Akhenaten's introduction,[36] a second failure could have been directly related to the apparent failure of their Sekhmet Idols project. This was a project that seems to have been designed to prevent just the type of pestilence that ended up occurring anyway. It seems that they had ensured the public that the gods of Egypt were powerful enough to see to it that this would not occur. They apparently claimed that if the goddess Sekhmet was properly honored and beseeched that they would be protected from this pestilence. Amenhotep III sponsored the construction of over seven hundred six-foot tall idols carved out of expensive red granite, one for each day of the year in each of the two lands, with special recitations designed to protect that particular day.[37] Apparently, it didn't work. The gods would therefore had failed a second time, as the pestilence and plague came anyway and this could be seen as a powerful incentive for the people to abandon the religious hierarchy.

That the Egyptians would go to such great expense to protect the land from pestilence would seem to imply that they had good reasons to fear that this would happen. If these were reasonable people, then we would have to assume that they had sufficient evidence to warrant feeling that way. And, perhaps they did. They were an ancient culture and meticulous record keepers. Perhaps they had sufficient data to know that periods of increased fertility will inevitably be followed by pestilence. We see this phenomenon today in the Mautam, or "bamboo famine", of northern India.[38] During periods of increased fertility, increases in plant life are accompanied by increases in the populations of animal life that feeds on those plants. As the fertility level begins to decline, overpopulation results. And, like the rats of India following the fading of the bamboo blooms, this excess population moves off in search of new food sources. This can result in devastating attacks on neighboring granaries and cultivated crops and produce famines during years which otherwise would have had good harvests. So, perhaps there was a debate about how to deal with this evidence very much like we see today with one side arguing for evidence-based reasoning and the other side promoting a faith-based process. Perhaps they had argued that sun-drying the excess produce would be too expensive, and, although expensive itself, relying on the gods to solve the problem would be the less expensive alternative. And, perhaps this competition was what was what led to the "dark things" being spoken about Akhenaten.[39] But, ultimately, it seems Amenhotep III, like many modern managers do today when faced with competing proposals, decided to invest in developing both competing solutions – preserving the food for the future and making idols to prevent the need for it - and letting the results speak for themselves.

It also seems worth considering whether, in addition to sufficient data to suggest upcoming famine conditions, they also had sufficient data to predict the fertile period as well. After all, Akhenaten began his Jubilee planning and construction activities around three years in advance of the start of his Jubilee,[40] and, if the concurrent Jubilee theory is correct, Amenhotep III’s record harvests of Year 30. It does seem strange to prepare for celebrating especially good harvests several years before they happen. Again, if these were rational people, it seems reasonable to assume that they believed they had sufficiently compelling evidence that such harvests would occur. Again, it seems they might have had ample data to work with. It only takes one person with good analytical and pattern-matching skills to develop compelling predictions from a well-populated data set. It would only be natural for them to take full advantage of their knowledge. In other words, again, they could have just been reacting in the same sane, rational manner as most of us would today, hopefully.


Part II: The Qualified Title: Was Akhenaten “The Ruler of Thebes” or just “a Ruler of Thebes”?

If Akhenaten’s Jubilee activities were not motivated by religious purposes, then it seems any other supposed religious motivations should be reevaluated, too. One such interpretation that stood out for me was the reason for the unique qualifier on his Ruler of Thebes title.[41] Apparently, Akhenaten is the only pharaoh in history to not use the standard form of this title. So, not having anything to compare it to, the addition of this qualifier has often been said to have some unknown religious significance. But, it could be equally valid to speculate that this qualifier indicated a qualified or limited nature to his rule instead. It seems fair to say that he never claimed to be “The” unqualified Ruler of Thebes. Perhaps this title was intended to imply that he was just “a” Ruler of Thebes for a specific purpose – the celebration of this festival. This would explain why Akhenaten has often been criticized for focusing too much time and effort to his project and ignoring the other responsibilities of a pharaoh.[42] Perhaps it is worth considering that the reason he ignored these other responsibilities is because they were outside the scope of his assigned duties. The daily nature of the celebrations,[43] given their scale and complexity, would seem to demand a full-time effort on the part of its management.

Therefore, I would like to suggest that, rather than being a full-fledge pharaoh, or even a co-ruler, the evidence would be more easily understood if Akhenaten had just being a "sub-ruler", some kind of domestic version of their foreign vassal kings. In this role his breadth of rule would have been limited to those things having to do with the Jubilee celebrations. Rather than defining the scope of his rule by using geographic boundaries, as was the case with the foreign vassal kings, his scope would have been defined by its functional boundaries instead. Like in modern matrix-management, the courtiers would have still had a 'solid-line' reporting relationship to pharaoh, but, they would also have a 'dotted-line' reporting relationship to Akhenaten on any Jubilee related matters. Having clearly defined functional boundaries could help explain how the two royal courts could exist without tripping over each other, seeming to eliminate the criticism of the interpretations that are based on concurrent rule of two full-fledged pharaohs.

Following on from this, if Akhenaten was not a full-fledged pharaoh, then there seems to be no precedent on which to base an assumption that his type of rule was an inherited position. Given that he was never seen on his supposed father’s monuments before his reign began, unlike Amenhotep's other children,[44] and, given that he was not known to use the biological terms of reference ("of the loins", "bodily son", etc.) used by their other children,[45] there really seems to be no definitive reason to then conclude that Akhenaten had a royal birth. The filial terms used by vassals for their suzerains are all that is required to explain why Akhenaten would have referred to Amenhotep III and Tiye only as ‘Father’ and ‘Mother’.[46]

Perhaps this bright young man was the one who brought forth the evidence of the coming period of fertility, the pestilence which would follow, and the sun drying rituals from the original form of the Jubilee. It would not have been the first time that Amenhotep had promoted a commoner to high rank.[47] And, being married off to someone having the title "Heiress" could be seen as a means to validate his appointment.[48] This could explain Nefertiti's prominent role and the extent of the vandalism committed on her images later on. It would also seem to explain why only their daughters were shown, as they would have inherited her "Heiress" title and could marry pharaohs, while their sons would not have been in line for succession.

It seems worth considering whether it is possible that Akhenaten was not even Egyptian born. There have been many attempts to explain Akhenaten's unusual appearance and behavior. But, an easy explanation would seem to be that he didn't look like[49] or behave like[50] other Egyptians because he was not born or raised as an Egyptian. Petrie’s initial naïve observations concluded that his features appeared to be Asiatic.[51] And, it is true that large numbers of Asiatics were integrated into most aspects of the culture at this time.[52] Many foreigners achieved high rank and took on Egyptian names compounded with the name of the ruling pharaoh, which would explain his introduction as Amenhotep IV.[53]

Being Asiatic could help explain Akhenaten's affinity with, and limited foray into, the politics of the Levant, like his decision to deport the H'Abiru out of Canaan[54] following the massacre at Schechem.[55] As it probably would have been unseemly for pharaoh to ask the people to follow the orders of a foreigner, this could also explain why he did not give orders directly to the Egyptian public, instead going through the courtiers[56] and using the foreign legions for his personal guard.[57] Also, the large number of Asiatics living at Akhetaten,[58] the Asiatic-themed entertainment at the Jubilees, Akhenaten’s preference for the chariot over the state palanquin,[59] and the backlash against foreigners that followed,[60] would all seem to be predictable developments that would follow on from this interpretation. We often see today great minds arising amongst immigrant communities. It does not seem unreasonable to find that the same was true back then, and, who knows, might even be of help in figuring out the succession in the ruling family at the end of the dynasty.


Summary:

The interpretation presented here seems to offer explanations for many characteristics of the period that have otherwise seemed to defy common sense. It finds that Akhenaten’s actions could have had a very mundane, secular purpose – the use of the rays of the sun to preserve the excess foodstuffs produced during the record harvests of Amenhotep III’s Year 30 to keep them from going to waste and keep them viable until such time as they would surely be needed sometime in the future. It also suggests that the participants used evidence, logic and reasoning to solve a problem, in direct opposition to a reliance on the use of religious faith alone. It finds that they might been very clever, creative and resourceful in developing their solutions - leading them to a legendary success at achieving their goals. In other words, they behaved in much the same ways as anybody in modern times would also aspire to - normal people doing things people normally do for normal reasons. I don't think this can be said about the current interpretations, which seem to rely more on personality defects and genetic abnormalities. And, although the type of brilliance necessary to pull this project off is probably even rarer than the personality flaws required by the current interpretations, nevertheless, sometimes it does happen. I think there are grounds to believe that might be what happened here. And, when this type of remarkable success does occur, people do tend to talk about it for a long time after. I plan to discuss that subject and the interpretation of post-Amarna events in a Part III, but it doesn’t seem worth the effort unless Parts I and II above can be properly validated.

So, is there something here worthy of further pursuit or not?


Thank you for your consideration,

Joe



Bibliography:

Aldred, Cyril, Akhenaten, King of Egypt, Thames and Hudson, London, 1988.

Redford, Donald B., Akhenaten, The Heretic King, Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1984.

Desroches-Noblecourt, Christiane, Tutankhamen, Life and Death of a Pharaoh, Penguin Books, 1963.

The Cambridge Ancient History, Third Edition, Volume II Part 2, History of the Middle East and the Aegean Region c.1380-1100 B.C., Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1975.

The Pharaohs of the Sun, Akhenaten, Nefertiti, Tutankhamen, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1999.

Davies, N.deG., The Rock Tombs of El Amarna, London, 1903.

Murnane, William J., Texts from the Amarna Period in Egypt, Scholars Press, Atlanta, Georgia, 1995.




[1]
Aldred says, “The jubilees of Amenophis III were important national functions, carried out with full ceremonial as a result of antiquarian research into aspects of the rites in the remote Archaic period.” (p.266) He also says, “…a text in the tomb of Khereuf tells us that the king celebrated it according to ancient writings, for generations of men since the Time of the Ancestors had never observed such traditions. If this was so, the ritual must have followed closely the usage of Memphis where the Festival of the Sed originated in the days of the first pharaohs.” (p.161-162)

Redford says, “All rites were performed, so Amenophis proudly declares, in conformance with the most ancient order of service, prescriptions that the king had found on dust-covered ‘writings of the ancients’ in the archives.” (p.52) Redford also says, “The sd-festival was a very ancient ritual, attested already in the 1st Dynasty (31st-30th century B.C.) and with roots in prehistoric times… Some evidence suggests an early connection with an especially high Nile flood, and therefore the fertility resulting in an especially good harvest….” [emphasis added] (p.124-125)

[2]
Redford says that they moved to Thebes in about his 29th year of Amenhotep III's reign (p.59), and that he resided there during the celebration of his three sd-festivals. Redford says, “All took place at Thebes ‘in [his] palace, [the “House-]of Rejoicing”’ i.e., the new Malqata* palace…” (p.51)

In his glossary, Redford defines Malqata as being from the Arabic and meaning the “place of picking up” (p.238)
Descroches-Noblecourt says, “Today this royal compound is called Malkata, which in Arabic means ‘the place where things have been gathered’...” (p.115)

[3]
Aldred says that Khaemhat, “the Overseer of the Granaries of Upper and Lower Egypt,… submits the report of a bumper harvest in Jubilee Year 30.” (p.165)

As Redford puts it, “In year 30 Khaemhat handed in to the sovereign an exceptionally bounteous harvest-tax…” (p.48)

[4]
Aldred says, regarding the scenes in Parennefer’s tomb as being: "…pictures of traditional design in the style prevailing towards the end of the previous reign [Amenhotep III’s], such as scenes of the grain and fruit harvest.…" (p.92)

[5]
Redford says of Amenhotep III's festivals, "the food was present in superabundance". (p.52)

[6]
Redford says, "The divine service offered to the Sun-disc is a drastic reduction of traditional practice.... The only act retained is the essential food offering, and this is repeated ad nauseam in the reliefs. ...The scene of driving, throwing, and slaughtering cattle runs in a long band along the bottom of jubilee reliefs in Gm.(t)-p^3-itn; everywhere servants carry bread, sweetmeats, haunches of beef, wine jars, etc. <P> In all such scenes one theme is stressed: the bounty of the king and of his father the sun. The plenty of the land of Egypt depends upon them alone." (p.180)

Redford says of the Tni-mnw and Rwd-mnw complexes at Karnak, “A detailed examination of the reliefs by temple…. Tni-mnw, for example, displayed substantial sections of wall decorated with scenes… such as baking bread and storing wine….. Numerous other scenes that once adorned the same building show the king engaged in the usual offering ceremony…. Rwd-mnw likewise featured scenes of cultic import, though now the offering scene is carried on in a series of roofless kiosks, with which we shall become familiar in the context of Gm(t)-p3-itn. Also displayed on the walls of Rwd-mnw were lengthy scenes showing the king and his court riding out to visit open-air installations comprising row upon row of ten-foot-tall offering stands, each laden with offerings of fowl, bread, and wine. On other walls, row upon row of domestic servants advanced, each with a container of foodstuffs on his head…. (p.71-72)

[See also: Plate 4.9, Servants with flatbreads (p.74); Plate 7.11, The Jubilee with a veritable forest of offering tables (p.118)]

As The Cambridge Ancient History puts it, “Because the Aten was not in tangible form, the daily ritual was of the simplest kind and centred around the presentation of lavish offerings." (p.58)

[7]
Redford, describing the city of Akhetaten says, “On the northern side of the central quarter, and also east of the avenue, lay the largest temple of all, ‘the House of the Sun-disc.’ This consisted of a vast rectangular walled enclosure measuring 760 by 290 meters, within which lay several independent temples. …Like most of the cultic installations, both here and at Thebes, all courts were open to the sky so the sun might shine on all the rites directed toward him. Offering tables groaning beneath the bounty bestowed by the sun were everywhere.” (p.146)

Redford says of the offerings, “Parennefer was put in charge of the offerings in the new temples. Already large quantities of offerings were being diverted to the Disc at the expense of other temples, and Parennefer notes…: ‘…the corn-imposts of every other god are measured (merely) by oipe, but for the Disc they are measured in superabundance!’" (p.60)

Redford also describes, "A number of talatat, mainly from the 2nd pylon, yield an insight of sorts into the riches of the new Theban temples. In broken contexts they seem to list the assets of the establishment: …Elsewhere the totals seem staggering: 400,000 of an unspecified commodity, 22,000 great white loaves, 260 plus storage jars (of wine), and so forth. It is quite likely that here we have the provisions assembled for the jubilee. <P> The sheer mass of foodstuffs brought together by the state to be bestowed upon the people at the jubilee as the king’s largesse, helps us better to appreciate the atmosphere of hilarity and fervent loyalty with which the plebes anticipated the festival. No better means could be imagined to bring the nation together and to remind its citizens of the political system to which they owed their all. …To serve pharaoh meant that one would eat!” (p.135-136)

[See also: Plate 7.11, Forest of offering tables (p.118); Fig. 15, Palace and temple with food (p.121); Fig. 16, Palace with food, (p.124)]

Aldred says of the temples, “The immense extent of the temple with its forest of offering-tables… heaped with consecrated food… is an indication of its importance to the cult." (p.247) Aldred states, "The talatat from the other Aten temples at Karnak, the Rud-menu and the Teni-menu… are still being assembled and studied. The purpose of these temples is obscure at present, but…. There is also an immense display of viands heaped on altars and brought by phalanxes of servants to the palace or temple. The liberality of the king in dispensing food, the bounty of the Aten, the bounty of the Aten, is seen at Karnak, and to a lesser extent at Amarna. The tithes that were levied upon royal estates, temple domains, towns and other institutions, as well as on high officials and priests, amounted to an immense quantity of bread beer, flesh, fowl, cattle, vegetables, cloth, oils, honey and commodities of all kinds, used not only for the daily upkeep of all the new temples and their staffs, but also as beneficent donations which the king gave to the local populace on feast days. This was particularly the case at the jubilee festival when enormous supplies of food and drink contributed by individuals and institutions all over the country were consumed at public feasts." (p.265)

Aldred goes on to speculate that, "The considerable bounty of the Aten in the form of meat, pond-fowl, vegetables, loaves, wine, beer, incense and flower-offerings heaped on these altars, fed not only the officiating priests and temple staff but the local populace." (p.275)

[See also: Plates 65, 66, Food heaped on altars, p.215]

The Rock Tombs of El Amarna has tomb drawings showing the extent of food storage at Akhetaten. [See: Part I, Plates XXV-XXXIII, Food stored in temple buildings, temple courtyard, palace, other storehouses, granaries, stockyards, and boats; Part IV, Plate VI, Flatbreads in the temple courtyard.]

Desroches-Noblecourt also has drawings showing the extent of storage. [See: Fig. 80, Reconstruction of great temple, p.143; Fig. 81, Food stored in palace, p.144]

[8]
The Cambridge Ancient History says, "Temples to the Aten appear to have been raised in most of the principal towns of Egypt during these early years of the reign…” It also goes on to refer to them as “vast and numerous” (p.55)

Aldred quotes the inscription at Gebel es Silsila as saying, “…the first time of His Majesty’s giving command to the Master of Works… to undertake all constructions from one end of the country to the other…”. (p.88)

[9]
Aldred discussing the great stela at Gebel es Silsila, says, "…what this stela most vividly discloses is that from the first days of the new reign the populace of Egypt, the peasantry, workmen and nobility, were to be united in a great and pious undertaking, a labour of devotion to the king’s new god." (p.89)

Elsewhere he states, "This great undertaking was set in train almost as a national enterprise, with an energy that had hitherto been devoted to foreign campaigns, ‘to extend the borders of Egypt’." (p.262)


The Cambridge Ancient History points out that, "The rapid building of the new capital city at El-Amarna and temples to the new god in every major centre must have drained the land of its labour and economic resources…." (p.53)

[10]
Redford says, "Amenophis IV was… careful to record the instructions that were to govern the operation of his new shrines. On steles or on the wall itself, near the entrance to his temples, the official prescriptions for the daily offerings to the sun god were inscribed for all to see. … A representative text reads as follows (TS 256): ‘[The god’s offering which His Majesty laid down for his father] (the Sun-disc) as an offering menu for every day…: bit-bread, at a baker’s ratio of forty, [x] loaves; pisn-loaves, at a baker’s ratio of forty, eighty-seven loaves; [jugs of beer, at a brewing ration of twenty, thirty-three jugs; … to]tal of the various (types of) bread of the god’s offering, 265; pigeons, two; incense, [one] hin-jar; vegetables, one bundle; vegetables, four bunches; milk, [x] jugs…’ and so forth. Much larger quantities are indicated in surviving offering-lists for the daily menu of the solar temple at Memphis. <P> Offering prescriptions for other shrines are preserved as well.…" (p.134-135)

[11]
Redford says, "It is not at all strange to find one of the chief priests obliged to supply part of the offerings…. One text (TS 8842) alludes to the ‘[bread and beer] comprising the impost quotas of every year destined for the House of the Sun-disc’ and goes on in a broken context to imply that the high priest of the sun was somehow responsible for it. ...a new...text...lists in remarkable detail the benevolences expected from the dignitaries and townships all over Egypt, listed in geographical order. Probably specifically for the sd-festival, commodities were expected to be contributed by the middle and lower ranks of the bureaucracy." (p.135)

[12]
Aldred says, "The worship of a god in aniconic form simplified temple architecture which no longer had to consist of a ‘mansion’ but reverted to the court, open to the sunlight, and to the colonnades of the ancient sun-temples." (p.245)

Redford explains, “It is presumed that a good many of the forms he espoused were of Heliopolitan inspiration: the simple open layout adopted for his sun-temples, for example, is allegedly derived from a Heliopolitan original. All this may be the case, but at present no one can say with certainty. We know too little about Heliopolis – the site has not been and cannot be adequately excavated – to be confident in tracing elements of the new cult back to forms at home there." (p.138)

[13]
The site plan for the Great Temple at Akhetaten shows that there was an area of offering tables that were not dismantled with the rest of the complex. A reasonable explanation might be that they were left standing because they still held viable, and hence valuable, foodstuffs at the time of the dismantlement.

[14]
Aldred says, “The architects had devised a system of building and decorating the walls which was rapid and effective. The sandstone was selected from strata that allowed blocks measuring about a cubit in length (0.5 metres) to be easily prised out of their beds and readily handled by an untrained labour force. When such blocks were trimmed, they could be speedily built into walls of alternate headers and stretchers, with a generous application of gypsum plaster between the joints, to fill in blemishes and make all smooth. Such walls could be carved in sunk relief, a method of decoration which was less laborious and time-consuming than the more usual and elegant low relief…” (p.263)

The Cambridge Ancient History points out that, “The impressment of workers by corvee shows the importance that the new king placed upon the swift fulfillment of his plans…. The remains of dismantled temples… betray distinct signs of the haste with which they were built, particularly in the often careless and summary cutting of the reliefs in a somewhat coarse granular stone." (p.53-54)

And, Redford states, “As in all the construction undertaken during his reign, the buildings Akhenaten threw up were hastily designed and assembled. A modern engineer, asked to cast a judgment on the Gm.(t)-p3-itn temple in East Karnak, could scarcely opine that it was anything but jerry-built…." (p.144)

[15]
The Rock Tombs of El Amarna III, The Tomb of Huya, Ch"2. A Royal Banquet" and Ch"3.An Evening Entertainment" describes feasting during the visit of Queen Tiye later in the reign. (p.5-7) [See: EAIII Plate IV, "Tyi Sitting at Meat with the King and the Queen."; EAIII Plate VI, "Tyi Entertained by the King and Queen."]

The Tomb of Ahmes, Ch"3. The Royal Family at Home" describes a never-completed mural showing the royal family seated at meat. (p.29-30) [See: Plate XXXIV, "The Royal Family at Meat."]

[16]
Aldred says that,"After the fifth year when the king changed his name to Akhenaten, and the new city of Akhetaten began to take shape, no further building was undertaken at Thebes during his reign." (p.85)

Aldred also says, “By the end of the eighth regnal year a decisive stage had been reached in the king’s projects and designs. Most of the township of Akhetaten had been established with the central administrative core largely built.” (p.273)

Aldred says that Akhetaten’s boundary stelae referred to the central city as the "Island Exalted in Jubilees". (p.65)

[17]
Redford says, “There is no evidence that at Amarna additional jubilees were celebrated, and nothing comparable to the endless wall reliefs devoted to the subject at Thebes has as yet turned up at Akhetaten.” (p.148)

[18]
The Cambridge Ancient History says that the chief quays of the city "received the produce brought over daily from the cultivation on the west bank and from elsewhere." (p.58)

The Rock Tombs of El Amarna, Part I – The Tomb of Meryra has a mural showing the ships arriving and the captains presenting their cargo. (Plate XXIX, "Outside the Gates") The accompanying text says, “...here the picture includes a reminder that the temple tribute, like all other trade in Akhetaten, must arrive by water.” (p.34)

[19]
Murnane (p.75)

[20]
Aldred quotes the boundary stelae as saying that, "…the Aten would send the people of all foreign lands to Akhetaten with gifts for the king whose god had enabled them to live and breathe." (p.48)

[21]
Desroches-Noblecourt points out that these types of gifts are offered to the king “…with the tacit understanding that they were barter for goods7 of almost equivalent worth.” (p.206)

[22]
Aldred says, “Plague was raging in the Near East. We hear from the king of Alashia that Nergal, the god of pestilence, was abroad in his land (Cyprus?), reducing the production of copper ingots for the pharaoh. Plague is also recorded on the mainland at Byblos and Sumura. …With the close connections between Egypt and the coastal region of the Levant, and with the coming and going of soldiers, captives, officials and traders, not to mention the importation of handmaidens, needlewomen, musicians and slaves directly into court circles, it would be surprising if the Egyptians could escape the scourge of epidemics." (p.283)

Redford says, "The sudden deaths attested from about year 11 on might find an explanation in the effects of a plague which, as Professor Helck has pointed out, was ravaging the Levant at this time. We hear of it first in the Amarna letters that come from the Phoenician coast. There, first in Sumur, the Egyptain headquarters for the region, and later in Byblos, the pestilence broke out, terrifying not only the inhabitants but the Egyptian officials as well. …we hear talk of plague at other coastal centers with which Sumur and Byblos were in contact…. Since Egypt had closer ties with the Levantine coast than Khatte did, the likelihood is that it spread to Egypt and wreaked havoc there as well." (p.187)

EA#85 mc(87): states `...two years I measure my grain' and `there is no grain for our support'; states `... peasants, their sons and daughters have come to an end', ...requests `send grain in ships and preserve the life ...'

EA#224 gc(18): ... states, "Since the king, my lord, has written for grain, I bring the answer: 'It is spoiled.'"

[23]
Aldred says of the second diptych at Aswan, “…it is not too daring to suggest that… Bek himself… chose this location eight years later to record another stage in the progress of the mighty works of the Aten cult.” (p.92-94)

[24]
Aldred says of the second diptych at Aswan, "In the other half of the scene, Bek adores Akhenaten who burns incense at an altar below the radiant Aten...." (p.93) [See: Fig.13, The stela of Bek and Men at Aswan, p.93]

[25]
Aldred says of the later name of the Aten, "...one of its titles, 'Who is in Jubilee', has been changed to, 'Lord of Jubilees'...." (p.278)

[26]
The Royal Tombs of ElAmarna III, The Tomb of Huya, Ch"2. A Royal Banquet" and Ch"3.An Evening Entertainment" describes feasting during the visit of Queen Tiye later in the reign. (p.5-7) [See: EAIII Plate IV, "Tyi Sitting at Meat with the King and the Queen."; EAIII Plate VI, "Tyi Entertained by the King and Queen."]

The Royal Tombs of ElAmarna III, The Tomb of Ahmes, Ch"3. The Royal Family at Home" describes a never-completed mural showing the royal family seated at meat. (p.29-30) [See: Plate XXXIV, "The Royal Family at Meat."]

[27]
Aldred says, of the tomb murals from the later period, “... there are also some modifications in the style of the tomb reliefs. …The features of the royal family tend to be less gaunt and lined than in earlier reliefs... the paunch of the king is more pendulous….” (p.25-26) [See: Plate 26, Amenhotep III and Queen Tiye on a stela dated to late in the reign of Akhenaten. (btw.p.80-81)

Desroches-Noblecourt says of an image of Amenhotep III before his death, "The king is portrayed as... obese, heavy-featured..." [See: Fig.86, "A chapel-stele showing Amenophis III in the Amarnan style (British Museum), p.147]

[28]
Aldred says, "...the gifts are different from annual taxes which the Egyptians occasionally imposed upon their imperial possessions in Asia, and regularly exacted from Nubia and Kush. The staples such as grain and timber are absent, and the objects presented are of great intrinsic value such as elaborately worked gold and silver vessels carried by the Asiatic and Aegean delegates, or heavy gold rings made into ornate set-pieces proffered by the Nubians and Kushites." (p.179)

[29]
Desroches-Noblecourt points out, these types of gifts are offered to the king “…with the tacit understanding that they were barter for goods of almost equivalent worth.” (p.206)

[30]
Aldred says that, “The most important event of Akhenaten’s last years is the durbar of Year 12 when a large concourse of representatives from vassal states and the great powers in Asia, Africa and the Aegean came to Akhetaten bearing gifts for the pharaoh, and begging his blessing. (p.279)

The Cambridge Ancient History says that two scenes in the tombs of Huya and Meryre II show the king and queen as “they receive gifts presented by delegates who according to the accompanying text, came from ‘Syria and Kush (the North and the South), the East and the West, and from the Islands in the Mediterranean, all countries being united for the occasion so that they might receive the king’s blessing.’” (p.60)

Aldred quotes the accompanying text in the tomb of Huya as saying, “‘The appearance of the King… and Queen… in order to receive the gifts of Syria and Kush, the West and the East, all lands united at the one time, and the Isles in the midst of the Great Green Sea [the Mediterranean], when they proffered gifts to the King upon the great throne of Akhetaten. Receiving the products of every land and granting them the breath of life.’ “ (p.178)

[31]
The Rock Tombs of El Amarna Part I says of one mural, “Here, again, the greater part of the space is taken up with a reproduction of an extensive group of buildings devoted to various purposes, but chiefly serving as a treasury in days when the absence of currency made such a department resemble a huge depot.” (p.34)

Later it continues, “Naturally, in the absence of inscriptions, the contents of the various jars and bundles are only to be surmised. The contents of magazine No. 2 are of chief interest, where we see stored some of the masterpieces of Syrian metal-work. The counterpart of all the forms here shown may be seen in the hands of Syrian tributaries (Several of them are being brought by Hittites on the east wall of the tomb of Meryra II).” (p.37) [See: Part I, Plate XXV, Investiture of Meryra]

Desroches-Noblecourt has a map showing the location of the treasury. See: Fig. 74, Town plan of Tell el Amarna, p.138]

[32]
Aldred shows the location on his map. [See: Fig. 7, Plan of the central city at Amarna, p.53]

[33]
Redford says, “It cannot be proven, but it seems likely that it was at this time that the temple estates, which had for half a decade suffered the diminution of their revenue, were now formally closed.” (p.142)

He also says, “The once-thriving administrative centers of Thebes and Memphis stood idle. Temples and government offices had been virtually shut down, and the sons of illustrious houses that had served pharaoh well suddenly found themselves bereft of function and court connection.” (p.153)

[34]
Aldred says, “The storm-clouds at the end of Akhenaten’ reign must have oppressed his last two years. …The outburst of destruction that now assailed the monuments of Amun and his consort Mut has an element of desperation in its thoroughness and ubiquity. The tallest obelisks and highest architraves at Thebes were scaled to hammer out the name and figure of Amun. His statues were smashed; even small scarabs that bore his name were defaced…. Such iconoclasm has been dated to various periods in the reign….. In the writer’s view this destruction belongs to the last years of the reign when crises were mounting.” (p.289-290)

Redford says, “Amun was declared anathema. ……hatchetmen were dispatched to range throughout the temples of the land to desecrate the name ‘Amun’ wherever it appeared on walls, steles, tombs, or objets d’art. Amun’s congeners Mut, Osiris, and others suffered too, but to a lesser extent. So widespread and thorough was this program of erasure, in fact, that today investigators can often date a piece as pre- or post-Amarna by examining the hieroglyphs for ‘Amun’. (p.141-142)

[35]
Aldred says of Haremhab’s Edict, "It seems clear from this Edict that the authority of the pharaoh during the Amarna period had grown considerably, presumably at the expense of the religious foundations. Much of the administration had consequently fallen into the hands of court officials, notably in the army. The result had been widespread corruption, the oppression of free men by fraudulent tax-collectors, and arbitrary exactions and requisitions by an undisciplined soldiery in the name of the king.” (p.301)

[36]
Redford says, "the king set on record his belief that the gods have somehow failed or ‘ceased’ to be operative". (p.172)

Aldred says of the remnants found of Akhenaten’s ‘teaching’, “The drift of his discourse seems to be that the original forms of the gods were known from the catalogues and specifications which were preserved in temple libraries and consulted only perhaps by wise men or scholars. But though these gods might have been made of gold and precious stones they had somehow died or ceased to function and were now ineffective.” (p.244)

[37]
Aldred says, “It has been estimated that over 700 granite statues of Sekhmet as a lion-headed woman, seated or standing, were installed on this site and nearly every Egyptological collection can boast of at least one example or a substantial fragment…. In their original state these hundreds of statues formed a kind of litany of the goddess under her various names and habitations, so providing a double prophylactic spell of the protection of the entire land during each specific day of the year… Above all she was the goddess of war and pestilence. We shall later refer to the prevalence of plague at this time of prosperity in the Levant…” (p.149)

Aldred also says, “The 700 or more statues erected by Amenophis III of Sekhmet, the goddess of pestilence in Egypt, appears significant as a prophylactic measure to ward off disease from the nation….” (p.283)

[38]
See Wikipedia

[39]
Aldred says of the boundary stelae text, "Thus there follows a declaration by the king that, as Father Aten lived, something had been said which was more evil than what the king had heard in his Year 4... more evil than what he had heard in his Year 1... more evil than what King (Amenophis III?) had heard... more evil than what King Tuthmosis IV had heard.... An earlier reading restored the missing evil as somehow connected with 'priests', an interpretation that has reinforced the view that Akhenaten had experienced some kind of organized opposition to his religious innovations from various priesthoods." (p.50)

[40]
Redford says, “Looming large… was the prospect of a jubilee early in his reign. What motivated him to even entertain the prospect is as unknown to us today as it probably was to his contemporaries; for jubilees were not traditionally celebrated before the thirtieth regnal year. Nevertheless, sometime early in his second year at the latest the intent crystallized in Amenophis IV’s mind to celebrate a jubilee, a sd-festival as it was called, as his father had done in his last decade; and the time was set a few months hence to coincide with the third anniversary of his accession to the throne.” (p.62)

[41]
Aldred says that when Akhenaten came to power he used the same name as Amenhotep III, “…though accompanied by a slightly different epithet, ‘Divine Ruler of Thebes’ in place of ‘Ruler of Thebes’. (p.20-21)

[42]
Redford says, “…Akhenaten was willing to leave the running of everyday affairs, both foreign and domestic, in the hands of military and civilian intermediaries, while he pursued his program of cultic reform.” (p.233)

[43]
Aldred says, “The assigning of the jubilee to the Aten as a daily event absolved the king from commemorating a periodic festival….” (p.267)

[44]
Redford says, "In contrast to the frequent appearance of his brothers and sisters, Amenophis… is conspicuous by his absence from the monuments of his father. It may well be that he was intentionally kept in the background because of a congenital ailment which made him hideous to behold…. Be that as it may, it is a fact that Amenophis does not appear on monuments during his father’s reign." (p.57-58)

[45]
Aldred says that Tutankhuaten was referred to as "The King’s Son, of his loins,…" (p.287)

He also quotes another prince as being "The eldest son of the divine flesh…". (p.136)

Redford says that the daughters of Akhenaten were called the "king’s bodily daughters… born of the great king’s wife Nefertity". (p.79-82)

[46]
Redford says, “…there were ‘great kings’ and ‘lesser kings.’ Great kings were very few in number… and if such relations were particularly close… the two monarchs were said to be ‘brothers.’… ‘Lesser kings’ were often vassals of great kings, and the relationship was spoken of in filial terms: the lesser king was the ‘son,’ his suzerain his ‘father.’” (p.40)

[47]
Redford says that Amenophis son of Hapu was a commoner who Amenophis III "promoted because of the soundness of his counsels" to a position of responsibility over the whole population. (p.47)

Desroches-Noblecourt says that Amenophis, son of Hapu, was made a hereditary prince. She also says that the inscriptions on his statues at Karnak show that he was set up to be the intermediary between the people and the god Amun. (p.119)

Aldred says that giving Amenophis, the son of a certain Hapu, "a man of no account, so we are asked to believe", a funerary temple among the royal mortuary temples was a "unique honor". (p.164-165)

[48]
Redford says that Nefertiti had an "unexpectedly prominent role" at Karnak. She had her own temple and appeared on the talatat twice as often as Akhenaten does. She is shown doing things normally done by the pharaoh. (p.78) He also said that her epithets included “heiress”. (p.133-134)

Aldred says that Nefertiti was called "The Heiress" and was probably close enough to the direct line of descent to have been made a Chief Wife. (p.222-223)

[49]
Redford’s list of Akhenaten’s peculiar facial features includes: "high cheekbones, full lips, arched brows, slender neck, and a rather supercilious expression." (p.63)

[50]
Aldred says that royalty embracing and kissing is rare "not only in Egyptian sculpture but also in the whole field of antique art" and that "Such a pose is found only in the Amarna Period" amongst Akhenaten’s and Nefertiti’s family. (Plate 36)

Desroches-Noblecourt points out that in the Tomb of Huya Akhenaten’s family is shown to be eating, while Tiye could not be shown so freely, because "Theban decorum prevailed". (p.154)

[51]
Aldred says of Petrie’s erroneous view: “Thus from the assumption that Queen Tiye was a Mesopotamian wife of Amenophis III, he argued that the peculiar facial features of Akhenaten were inherited from an Asiatic mother; ….” (p.110-111)

[52]
Redford says that large numbers of true slaves appear in this period as a result of foreign conquest, and that Canaanites and Syrians began to voluntarily migrate, as well. Canaanite loan-words entered the language and sections of large cities were set aside for Asiatics. There were so many foreign slaves at Amenophis’ mortuary temple that he claimed "their number is beyond knowing". Many Canaanites and Syrians attained high offices in the priesthood, palace, and army. (p.27-28)

Aldred says that Asiatics were numerous and had a considerable impact on the culture (p.118), and, that the development of the army, especially its chariot arm, had a significant role in bringing Asiatic influences to the culture. (p.131)

[53]
Redford says that foreigners attaining to high office "were sometimes given Egyptian names, usually compounded with the name of the reigning king." (p.28)

[54]
Redford says, “…Akehenaten deported numbers of the ‘Apiru to Nubia". (p.200)

[55]
The Cambridge Ancient History quotes from an Amarna letter of Abdi-Kheba, saying "…or shall we do like Labaya and [his sons who] have given the land of Schechem to the ‘Apiru men…? …It has not infrequently been suggested that the episode… may also be reflected in… Genesis XXXIV." (p.116)

[56]
Aldred quotes the Gebel-es-Silsila stele as saying, "Verily, the nobles, the courtiers and the leaders of the superintendents [will act] as the controllers of the labour force…". (p.88)

[57]
Aldred says the talatat from Karnak show a "predominance of the soldiery of Asia and Africa, a veritable foreign legion in attendance upon the king…" (p.265)

[58]
Aldred says, that Akhetaten attracted “…a populace from afar, including foreigners from Asia and the Aegean together their families.” (p.277)

[59]
Redford says that large chariot scenes are common themes. (p.147)

Aldred says, "The chariot was the preferred conveyance for Akhenaten at Amarna, as distinct from the state palanquins…". (p.131)

Aldred says that the royal road at Akhetaten was deliberately planned as a processional way for the state chariots, (p.131) which must have been "a novelty in Egypt" and a significant innovation. (p.68)

[60]
The Pharaohs of the Sun, discussing the end of the Atenist regime, refers to "the anti-foreigner backlash that doubtless followed". (p.91)

Aldred says that talatat showing Asiatic and Nubian troops had been the target of later iconoclasts, who had struck out their eyes. (Plate 61)
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herper
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PostPosted: Tue Oct 04, 2016 10:47 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Just to touch on 2 things briefly. It's a well documented [/b]fact that Akhenaten was in fact a sole ruling pharoah. His 5 names as King are known, and since only kings had these kinds of names along with his names in cartouches proves he was at least a highly born royal and core team at the very least. As for the dehydration of foods, after centuries of desert living and observing their environment I find it hard to believe that it took till the 18th dynasty for someone to think and implement these ideas. Records of the Niles flood levels and harvest amounts had been kept for centuries. A poor flood/harvest was not a new or rare thing. These people were far from stupid, and while they hoped the gods would see to their needs, they knew ultimately it was in their hands. Just my 2 cents. I will wait for those people such as Lutz and Neseret that have forgotten more than I will ever know on ancient Egypt to post for more info.
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PostPosted: Fri Oct 07, 2016 7:10 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Lexikon der Ägyptologie - Vol. II : Erntefest-Hordjedef. - Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz, 1977. - ISBN : 3447018763. - XI p. + 1276 col. - [fasc. 9-10 = col. 1-320]. - Herman te Velde : Erntezeremonien. - On col. 3 & 4 :



On the history and meaning of the sed-festival see, among others and just as one example ...

Alejandro Jiménez Serrano : Royal Festivals in the Late Predynastic Period and the First Dynasty. - [BAR International Series 1076]. - Oxford : Archaeopress, 2002. - ISBN : 1841714550. - VIII, 116 p., 57 figs.:
Quote:
"As the author points out in the introduction, the aim of this book is to make a study of the royal festivals in the Late Predynastic Period and the 1st Dynasty, beginning with the Naqada IID Period, in which period the Nile Valley and the Delta display a similar material culture. Chapter 1 offers a historical outline on the unification and the individual kings of the 1st Dynasty. The main hypotheses about the political unification are reviewed. Chapter 2, concerned with the relationships between kings, festivals and temples, first gives a definition of the festival in general and then turns to the subject of royal festivals in ancient Egypt, elucidating the role of the king.

The sources for the study of the royal festivals in the period under discussion are presented, in the first place labels (tablets) and the annals of the Palermo Stone. The discovery that labels and other monuments have, among others, the function of differentiating years by means of historical events recorded for them is of key importance in this study, because they are regarded as reliable, in spite of their elite perspective. The evidence of royal festivals of the late Predynastic and early Dynastic periods is plentiful and based primarily on evidence from labels and the annals of the Palermo Stone, on the basis of which it is possible to reconstruct some royal ceremonies.

Next, the concept of the royal temple (the pr-wr, pr-nw and pr-nsr) in the period under study is discussed. In chapter 3 the royal festivals celebrated are studied. Two of them, the enthronement and the sed-festival, are connected, because they share similar features of (re-)enthronement of the king and the reception of homage by high-ranking subjects. The festivals called here "of victory" were the military expressions of the king's exploits as the guarantor of the sacred order (maat). The festivals of Sokar are studied here not only because of the many contemporary references, but also because Sokar is a god of the capital city of Memphis. They might be understood as an example of the major ceremonies that the king celebrated to ensure the protection of the gods over the king and Egypt. Included is a brief study of the royal festivals (mainly, the sed-festival) in contemporary Lower Nubia and the 2nd Dynasty. Chapter 4 contains the general conclusions on royal festivals in the late Predynastic and early Dynastic periods and on the symbolic 'topography' of the temple in connection with royal festivals, as is demonstrated by the complete example that has survived at Hierakonpolis.

With bibliography and index of Egyptian terms (in transliteration)."


And for the sed-festival of Amenhotep IV at Karnak see ...

Jocelyn Gohary : Akhenaten's Sed-festival at Karnak. - London and New York : Kegan Paul International, 1992. - [Studies in Egyptology]. - ISBN : 0-7103-0380-7. - X, 238 p., pl. :
Quote:
"This book consists of four parts. The 1st part is concerned with the sed-festival as religious institution. After a general definition of the sed-festival the author discusses the date and the location of its celebration. The evidence for sed-festivals is briefly surveyed, and particularly information can be extracted from surviving representations of the various rites performed in the festival. To this end the author examines the three most extensive iconographic records there are: the sed-festival scenes in the Vth Dynasty sun temple of Niuserre at Abu Gurob; those in the XVIIIth Dynasty temple of Amenhotep at Soleb; and those in XXIInd Festival Hall of Osorkon II at Bubastis. The last two must have been copied from a common source. Certain similarities with the much earlier scenes at Abu Gurob can also be noticed. In part 2 the author turns to the sed-festival scenes of Akhnaton/Amenhotep IV on the talatat from the dismantled Aton temple at Karnak. First, information on the Akhenaten Temple Project is given, of which the principal aim was to reassemble scenes from the Aten temple at Karnak. The author suggests that the king did not celebrate more than one sed-festival, since he might have left this traditional religious practice. It is assumed that the festival was held at Thebes, in the Gempa'aton part of the temple. The extant talatat identified to bear sed-festival scenes can be divided into two main categories: palanquin procession scenes and offering-kiosk scenes. Part 3 contains the catalogue of matched scenes, altogether 165, followed by that of the individual blocks, of which the subject matter is in many cases a repetition from the matched scenes already described. These are arranged by the contents of the scenes. The references to the depictions on the plates are given. Part 4 contains the conclusions. There is a strong impression of a state of transition, as well as in the development of the Aten cult as in artistic representation. The festival being celebrated at an early stage in the reign, its scenes show that the king attempted to have it the conventional way. The offering to various gods of the two parts of the country was replaced by worshipping the Aten in a series of roofless kiosks. In the sed-festival scenes the only indication of the importance of queen Nefertiti is the fact that in the procession scenes she is carried in her own palanquin, contrary to the usual procedure. But her role is not more important than usual for queens in other sed-festival representations. Obviously changes in her role went along with the gradual development of the Aten cult. As regards the art style, it can be noticed that the features of the king and queen are only slightly elongated and little exaggerated. The decoration had been done in haste. An assessment of the space reserved for the scenes is hardly possible. The sed-festival talatat do not provide much information about the architecture of buildings in the Aten temple complex. An appendix provides a concordance between catalogue nos., film nos., and stone nos.

Bibliography and index added."



The German Egyptology shaped the term "Opferumlauf" (Offering - Circulation). Very short this means : After the goddess or god has taken spiritual power / essence from the daily food and drink offerings they went to a next goddess / god, or to a statue of a king, or a legitimate deceased, and so on. The rank and order was strictly stated.

Everytime the priest responsible for the offering to the respective deity / statue / legitimate deceased could take a precise fixed part for his (and his family) own requirements. So, there was nothing left to dry and store...

Also not in Amarna, as we know from several inscriptions in various tombs there. See for example the speach of the king in the tombs of Tutu and Meri-Ra I ("I give you this office and so you can eat the bread of your lord the king, in the temple of the Aton" & "I give you this office with the following words : You should eat the supply of pharao, your lord [the theoretical part for the king in his function as first priest of the Aton, with place 1 on the circulation list], in the house of the Aton.").

Ultimately, these offerings served the supply of the priests and civil servants (and there family).

I hope I could express myself to some extent comprehensibly ... Somewhat difficult as non-native speaker with school-english. Maybe Neseret can better explain this (since the Old Kingdom) well-known and documented procedure.

Greetings, Lutz.
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PostPosted: Sat Oct 08, 2016 1:46 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

herper wrote:
... It's a well documented fact that Akhenaten was in fact a sole ruling pharoah. His 5 names as King are known, and since only kings had these kinds of names along with his names in cartouches proves he was at least a highly born royal and core team at the very least. ...

Apart from the fact that we know the King's Son Amenhotep from a wine jar seal found in Malquatta, the Great Royal Wife of Amenhotep III, Teje, leads during the reign of Amenhotep IV / Akhenaten the title Mother of the King. I would say this was the most important and powerful title a women could get in Ancient Egypt (without beeing pharao itself). And this title was never given in honor.

If someone wants seriously assert (against any archaeological evidence) that Amenhotep IV / Akhenaten was not a son of Amenhotep III and Teje (and a king in his own right after his fathers death) then he should explaine why Teje bears this title...

Greetings, Lutz.
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PostPosted: Sat Oct 08, 2016 5:48 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Having read the argument and Lutz's reply, all I can add is that Lutz is correct in this instance, and there seems to me to be NO evidence to support the original argument.

As I am deep in the dissertation thesis of mine at the moment, I will have to leave it there, but urge the original author [Joe S] that he has missed a great deal of information (much of it supplied well by Lutz) about food offerings to deities as being on point. Other information includes:

Morales, A. J. 2015. Iteration, Innovation und Dekorum in Opferlisten des Alten Reichs: zur Vorgeschichte der Pyramidentexte. Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 142 (1): 55-69.

Green, L. 2004. Some thoughts on ritual banquets at the court of Akhenaten and in the ancient Near East. In Knoppers, Gary N. and Antoine Hirsch (eds), Egypt, Israel, and the ancient Mediterranean world: studies in honor of Donald B. Redford: 203-222. Leiden; Boston: Brill.

Ikram, S. 2004. Victual, ritual or both? Food offerings from the funerary assemblage of Isitemkheb. Studi di egittologia e di papirologia: rivista internazionale 1: 87-92.

Hölzl, R. 2002. Ägyptische Opfertafeln und Kultbecken: eine Form- und Funktionsanalyse für das Alte, Mittlere und Neue Reich. Hildesheimer Ägyptologische Beiträge 45. Hildesheim: Gerstenberg.

Cannuyer, C. 1998. Offrandes, sacrifices et immolations dans la vie religieuse de l'Égypte ancienne. Notre Vie Liturgique. Études Inter-Religieuses, Beyrouth, 8e Année/51 (1997-1998) [= L'offrande dans les religions non-chrétiennes]: 35-54. ( the author points out that the sacrificial offering is based on the do-ut-des principle or, apotropaically, is meant to ward off evil forces, or plays its role within the framework of myth and ritual. Any offering is an expression of the collaboration of mankind in the maintenance of the divine work of the created cosmos.)

Gordon, A. A. 1996. The kA as an animating force. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 33: 31-35.

Barta, W.1963. Die altägyptische Opferliste von der Frühzeit bis zur griechisch-römischen Epoche. Münchner Ägyptologische Studien 3. Berlin: Hessling.

HTH.
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PostPosted: Sat Oct 08, 2016 5:49 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Having read the argument and Lutz's reply, all I can add is that Lutz is correct in this instance, and there seems to me to be NO evidence to support the original argument.

As I am deep in the dissertation thesis of mine at the moment, I will have to leave it there, but urge the original author [Joe S] that he has missed a great deal of information (much of it supplied well by Lutz) about food offerings to deities as being on point. Other information includes:

Morales, A. J. 2015. Iteration, Innovation und Dekorum in Opferlisten des Alten Reichs: zur Vorgeschichte der Pyramidentexte. Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 142 (1): 55-69.

Green, L. 2004. Some thoughts on ritual banquets at the court of Akhenaten and in the ancient Near East. In Knoppers, Gary N. and Antoine Hirsch (eds), Egypt, Israel, and the ancient Mediterranean world: studies in honor of Donald B. Redford: 203-222. Leiden; Boston: Brill.

Ikram, S. 2004. Victual, ritual or both? Food offerings from the funerary assemblage of Isitemkheb. Studi di egittologia e di papirologia: rivista internazionale 1: 87-92.

Hölzl, R. 2002. Ägyptische Opfertafeln und Kultbecken: eine Form- und Funktionsanalyse für das Alte, Mittlere und Neue Reich. Hildesheimer Ägyptologische Beiträge 45. Hildesheim: Gerstenberg.

Cannuyer, C. 1998. Offrandes, sacrifices et immolations dans la vie religieuse de l'Égypte ancienne. Notre Vie Liturgique. Études Inter-Religieuses, Beyrouth, 8e Année/51 (1997-1998) [= L'offrande dans les religions non-chrétiennes]: 35-54. ( the author points out that the sacrificial offering is based on the do-ut-des principle or, apotropaically, is meant to ward off evil forces, or plays its role within the framework of myth and ritual. Any offering is an expression of the collaboration of mankind in the maintenance of the divine work of the created cosmos.)

Gordon, A. A. 1996. The kA as an animating force. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 33: 31-35.

Barta, W.1963. Die altägyptische Opferliste von der Frühzeit bis zur griechisch-römischen Epoche. Münchner Ägyptologische Studien 3. Berlin: Hessling.

HTH.
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PostPosted: Sun Oct 09, 2016 6:49 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

As small supplement about the sed-festival, from...

Marc Jeremy LeBlanc : In Accordance with the Documents of Ancient Times - The Origins, Development, and Significance of the Ancient Egyptian Sed Festival - Jubilee Festival (2011) :





Gruß, Lutz.
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PostPosted: Mon Oct 10, 2016 8:17 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

herper wrote:
It's a well documented fact that Akhenaten was in fact a sole ruling pharoah. His 5 names as King are known, and since only kings had these kinds of names along with his names in cartouches proves he was at least a highly born royal and core team at the very least.

All of the other pharaohs had the same 5 titles as each other. Akhenaten did not. Only 4 of his titles were the same as the others, and, his fifth, his ‘Ruler of Thebes’ title, was different from all of the other pharaohs. I have put forth an argument to explain why this difference existed and why it should be considered when interpreting the nature of his rule. Perhaps you could identify what you see as flaws in this argument. Or, if you haven’t found any flaws, but still prefer the current interpretation, perhaps you could explain the reason why you find it more compelling to believe that this difference in titles should have no impact on our understanding of his type of rule.

Quote:
As for the dehydration of foods, after centuries of desert living and observing their environment I find it hard to believe that it took till the 18th dynasty for someone to think and implement these ideas.

I agree, and, never suggested any such thing. On the contrary, I specifically mentioned that they had developed the solar/wind dehydration preservation technologies early on in their history. I used that to show that they already had lots of experience doing it, and, that they were likely to recognize when it needed to be done. What was new, I proposed, was the industrial scale of this operation, and, the cleverness shown in figuring out how to accomplish it.

Quote:
Records of the Niles flood levels and harvest amounts had been kept for centuries. A poor flood/harvest was not a new or rare thing. These people were far from stupid, and while they hoped the gods would see to their needs, they knew ultimately it was in their hands. Just my 2 cents.

Yes, I totally agree. That is why I included these same arguments in my paper.

Regards,
Joe
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PostPosted: Mon Oct 10, 2016 8:34 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Lutz wrote:
...a series of articles on the harvest and sed festivals...

Lutz,

Thank you for the response. I am unclear on what your intentions were in posting this info on the harvest and sed festivals. Was there anything in these texts that was somehow intended to counter anything in my cites from Aldred and Redford about the unique features of the Amenhotep III/Akhenaten Sed-Festival, and/or, its association with especially good harvests?

Quote:
The German Egyptology shaped the term "Opferumlauf" (Offering - Circulation). Very short this means : After the goddess or god has taken spiritual power / essence from the daily food and drink offerings they went to a next goddess / god, or to a statue of a king, or a legitimate deceased, and so on. The rank and order was strictly stated.

Again, I am unclear on what your intentions were in discussing the normal religious food offerings. Was this in any way intended to counter anything I wrote, or cited, about the unique nature of Akhenaten’s Sed-Festival food offerings?

Quote:
Everytime the priest responsible for the offering to the respective deity / statue / legitimate deceased could take a precise fixed part for his (and his family) own requirements. So, there was nothing left to dry and store...

If the normal religious food offerings left nothing to dry and store, then the massive quantities shown in storage during Akhenaten’s Sed-Festival would therefore indicate that his food offerings were not this normal religious type. I hope you will agree that these results seem to be of an entirely different nature. I believe that Redford and Aldred know quite well what quantities are required for the normal religious food offerings. The quotations I provided from them seem to clearly show that they believed that the immense quantities that Akhenaten had in storage were of a totally unprecedented scale. Are you challenging their statements about the nature and quantities of the amassed foodstuffs?

Temples were able to keep their foodstuffs in attached storerooms. They did not fill entire extensive temple complexes, and all of the courtyards, with food storage like Akhenaten’s so-called temples did. Normal temple storehouses were measured in square meters, whereas Akhenaten’s food storage areas are measured in square kilometers. It therefore seems that there are ample reasons to believe that Akhenaten’s offerings were not of the same nature as the usual religious type of food offerings that you describe.

Quote:
Ultimately, these offerings served the supply of the priests and civil servants (and there family).

As my citation shows, Aldred stated quite clearly that he believed that the amount of food in storage was well in excess of the needs of the priests and temple staff. This is what led him to speculate that they were also feeding the local populace as well.

I will repeat the question that I asked in my paper: If Akhenaten’s food offerings were an on-going religious rite (as opposed to a Sed-Festival rite), then what possible explanation could there be for why the food offerings, which had been so ubiquitous during the Sed-Festival, were seemingly replaced by incense offerings in the post-Jubilee latter half of the reign?

Quote:
I hope I could express myself to some extent comprehensibly ... Somewhat difficult as non-native speaker with school-english.

I would find it very helpful if you would preface your comments by quoting or paraphrasing something that I wrote or cited. That would give me some context to understand why you posted what you did. Please, if you think I have made any errors in my research, or the logic applied, let me know specifically what I wrote that you think is incorrect. That will allow me to respond and make corrections as necessary.

Thanks, Joe
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PostPosted: Mon Oct 10, 2016 8:38 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Lutz wrote:
Apart from the fact that we know the King's Son Amenhotep from a wine jar seal found in Malquatta, the Great Royal Wife of Amenhotep III, Teje, leads during the reign of Amenhotep IV / Akhenaten the title Mother of the King. I would say this was the most important and powerful title a women could get in Ancient Egypt (without beeing pharao itself). And this title was never given in honor.

If someone wants seriously assert (against any archaeological evidence) that Amenhotep IV / Akhenaten was not a son of Amenhotep III and Teje (and a king in his own right after his fathers death) then he should explaine why Teje bears this title...

I did offer an explanation for why Akhenaten called Tiye his ‘Mother’. It was a significant piece of evidence that I used in constructing that argument. Maybe you should consider reading it.


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PostPosted: Wed Oct 12, 2016 7:28 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Joe S wrote:
... I am unclear on what your intentions were in posting this info on the harvest and sed festivals. ...

Since you quite obviously ignore that the sedfest since predynastic time (and also under Amenhotep III & IV) should fulfill a very specific meaning and purpose.

Wich of the rituals in this fest has, in your view, to do with an "especially good harvest"? Why should the excessive number of offering tabels in the Great Aton Temple in Achetaton (your pictures) be a document for the conversion of its sedfest at Karnak, held years before the tempel in Achetaton was build???

Joe S wrote:
... the unique qualifier on his Ruler of Thebes title.[41] Apparently, Akhenaten is the only pharaoh in history to not use the standard form of this title. ...

As was the case with every Egyptian king from the middle of the Old Kingdom on, from the ascent of the throne the birth name of the ruler is as so called "Sa-Ra-Name" written in the 2nd cartouche, as the fifth and last name of the complete titulatur. Frequently differing accessories can (but do not have to) arise. For Amenhotep III we know, among many others, "Hequa Waset" (Ruler of / in Thebes).

For Amenhotep IV appears as an epitheton within the cartouche "Netjer Hequa Waset" (God, Ruler of / in Thebes), presumably to be easier to distinguish from his fathers name in inscriptions (?). If he had reigned for more than 5 - 6 years with this "Sa-Ra-Name" we would surely know also other epithets for him.

That he was the only king who used this epitheton is not right. For example Amenhotep II (his great - grandfather) also used it, among others ... See as one example, several times in an inscription to some representations on the 8th pylon in Karnak (Beckerath : Handbuch der Ägyptischen Königsnamen, 1984, p. 85; with given source Urkunden der 18. Dynastie : IV-1327).

I can only refer once again to my literary hints and recommend to familiarize yourself first with the basics ...

Greetings, Lutz.
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PostPosted: Thu Oct 13, 2016 12:53 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

Joe S wrote:
Lutz wrote:
Apart from the fact that we know the King's Son Amenhotep from a wine jar seal found in Malquatta, the Great Royal Wife of Amenhotep III, Teje, leads during the reign of Amenhotep IV / Akhenaten the title Mother of the King. I would say this was the most important and powerful title a women could get in Ancient Egypt (without beeing pharao itself). And this title was never given in honor.

If someone wants seriously assert (against any archaeological evidence) that Amenhotep IV / Akhenaten was not a son of Amenhotep III and Teje (and a king in his own right after his fathers death) then he should explaine why Teje bears this title...

I did offer an explanation for why Akhenaten called Tiye his ‘Mother’. It was a significant piece of evidence that I used in constructing that argument. ...

Where / in which inscription another governing king of the 18th Dynasty calls his mother, when he is talking about her, oneself as "of / from her body"?

Greetings, Lutz.
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PostPosted: Thu Oct 13, 2016 4:58 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

Lutz wrote:
... from the middle of the Old Kingdom on, ...

Small correction : The titulary in the known form of the 5 names shall apply from the Middle Kingdom on standardized.

Greetings, Lutz.
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PostPosted: Fri Oct 14, 2016 1:50 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

It is usually considered the place of a person presenting a hypothesis to present such proof as there is. There is little to none present here.

There is no evidence the various Aten temples were anything other than temples.

As dehydration stations and storehouses for dried foodstuffs, they are hideously ill-designed, and would fail of their intended purpose.

At the time Ampenhotep III held his first sed festival, the last such jubilee was more than 60 years in the past. You seem not to have considered the possible implications of this, including the fact that anyone having knowledge either as participant or celebrant in the last festival would be long-since dead. Those who had participated in any of the jubilees prior to that would be even more dead.

The theme of restoration and renewal is fairly common throughout Egyptian history -- for example, the king who comes to the throne and says I found the land in chaos and I restored it to order type of thing.

There is no evidence whatsoever -- none -- that Akhenaten was other than the child of Amenhotep III and Tiye.

Lutz has already provided you with one answer regarding the point you harp on in the titular. You seem not to have looked at the original, where it clearly is present. You seem also not to have considered that someone intent on being a heretic and/or apostatizing from a particular belief system generally stops proclaiming his belief in that system after he leaves it. Your complaint on this point would be akin to discovering a group of Scots Presbyterians who gather at regular intervals to perform Ave Marias and not be at least somewhat surprised.

There is no evidence Tiye was other than his mother. While there has been some debate about whether the title King's Mother might ever mean mother-in-law, no-one has ever been able to come up with a single instance of that being so.

There is no evidence whatsoever of Akhenaten being some kind of Grand Vizier of Granola and other dried goodies, who derived his powers from being married to an "heiress". The "heiress" theory was long-ago debunked or disproved. Even if it still had any currency, it would be problematic in a number of ways. One would be that no-one to whom he was known to have married ever carried that particular title. Another would be that it opens a direct conflict with another of your claims: that Akhenaten was foreign-born.

There is no evidence whatsoever that Akhenaten was other than a native Egyptian. There is no evidence at any point in any of the Amarnan art work which would point to a foreign origin for him. It just isn't there. In some, he looks odd. There are many more where he is depicted as being perfectly normal. There are wall0scenes from East Karnak where he is shown to be no different to the other Egyptians by whom he is surrounded, allowing for incidentals, such as unique headgear. From that same location, and exactly contemporary to those normal images are some of the most bizarre, the colossi. Yet it has been shown that when photographed from what would approximate an ordinary human point of view, they appear perfectly normal.

I'm not sure what you're trying to prove with the thing about palanquin vs chariot. Travel by palanquin tends to be slow. For other than short distances, it tends to be interminable as a means of travel. It has one other noted drawback, in that it tends to be nausea-inducing.

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PostPosted: Fri Oct 14, 2016 1:52 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

It is usually considered the place of a person presenting a hypothesis to present such proof as there is. There is little to none present here.

There is no evidence the various Aten temples were anything other than temples.

As dehydration stations and storehouses for dried foodstuffs, they are hideously ill-designed, and would fail of their intended purpose.

At the time Ampenhotep III held his first sed festival, the last such jubilee was more than 60 years in the past. You seem not to have considered the possible implications of this, including the fact that anyone having knowledge either as participant or celebrant in the last festival would be long-since dead. Those who had participated in any of the jubilees prior to that would be even more dead.

The theme of restoration and renewal is fairly common throughout Egyptian history -- for example, the king who comes to the throne and says I found the land in chaos and I restored it to order type of thing.

There is no evidence whatsoever -- none -- that Akhenaten was other than the child of Amenhotep III and Tiye.

Lutz has already provided you with one answer regarding the point you harp on in the titular. You seem not to have looked at the original, where it clearly is present. You seem also not to have considered that someone intent on being a heretic and/or apostatizing from a particular belief system generally stops proclaiming his belief in that system after he leaves it. Your complaint on this point would be akin to discovering a group of Scots Presbyterians who gather at regular intervals to perform Ave Marias and not be at least somewhat surprised.

There is no evidence Tiye was other than his mother. While there has been some debate about whether the title King's Mother might ever mean mother-in-law, no-one has ever been able to come up with a single instance of that being so.

There is no evidence whatsoever of Akhenaten being some kind of Grand Vizier of Granola and other dried goodies, who derived his powers from being married to an "heiress". The "heiress" theory was long-ago debunked or disproved. Even if it still had any currency, it would be problematic in a number of ways. One would be that no-one to whom he was known to have married ever carried that particular title. Another would be that it opens a direct conflict with another of your claims: that Akhenaten was foreign-born.

There is no evidence whatsoever that Akhenaten was other than a native Egyptian. There is no evidence at any point in any of the Amarnan art work which would point to a foreign origin for him. It just isn't there. In some, he looks odd. There are many more where he is depicted as being perfectly normal. There are wall-scenes from East Karnak where he is shown to be no different to the other Egyptians by whom he is surrounded, allowing for incidentals, such as unique headgear. From that same location, and exactly contemporary to those normal images are some of the most bizarre, the colossi. Yet it has been shown that when photographed from what would approximate an ordinary human point of view, they appear perfectly normal.

I'm not sure what you're trying to prove with the thing about palanquin vs chariot. Travel by palanquin tends to be slow. For other than short distances, it tends to be interminable as a means of travel. It has one other noted drawback, in that it tends to be nausea-inducing.
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